Polarization marks Parliament's November 25 session
President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa sought to rise above the fray, offering a “history lesson” that has been praised by commentators as an accurate description of events - read a translation below.
What?
On Monday, the Parliament celebrated the 49th anniversary of November 25, 1975 - for the first time ever - with a solemn session that highlighted growing polarization between the left and right.
The event, mirroring the format of April 25 commemorations, sparked debate over the significance of the date, with opposing sides arguing over its role in Portugal’s democratic history.
The left accused the ceremony of undermining the revolution of April 25, 1974, while the right viewed November 25, 1975, as the true advent of democracy.
A History Lesson from the President
While acknowledging November 25’s importance in preventing prolonged revolutionary turmoil, President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa - who was a member of the Portuguese Constituent Assembly in 1975 - reiterated that April 25 remains the defining moment in Portuguese history.
He credited key figures, including Ernesto Melo Antunes, Ramalho Eanes, Jaime Neves, Mário Soares, Francisco Sá Carneiro, and Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for their roles in steering Portugal through its tumultuous post-revolution years.
The President emphasized that there are other important dates and that full electoral democracy was only consolidated in 1982, with the first constitutional revision ending military oversight of the regime - a comment that some commentators saw as a jibe at current Presidential frontrunner Admiral Henrique Gouveia e Melo.
Chega’s Controversial Remarks
The session took a contentious turn with a speech from André Ventura, leader of the far-right Chega party.
Quoting figures associated with Portugal’s colonial wars and military history, Ventura called November 25 the “true day of Portuguese freedom” and decried the aftermath of April 25 as chaotic.
He also criticized immigration - associating it with sexual violence against women (the session coincided with the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women) and citing Jaime Neves, a high-ranking military officer during Portugal’s colonial wars in Africa, particularly in Angola and Mozambique.
“As Jaime Neves used to say about the Colonial War, ‘that’s how it was. When we were told to clean, we cleaned everything,’” Ventura said, and then pointed to the left benches and added: “we’ve already started, and we’re going to keep going.”
Ventura’s remarks sparked outrage, with some MPs walking out. Later, Livre party accused him of promoting war crimes and threatening leftist parties:
“Everyone here understands the meaning of the word ‘clean’ in Jaime Neves’ quote. We all know very well what it means,” criticized Livre MP, Isabel Mendes Lopes.
The President’s speech
The following is a rough translatation of the President’s closing speech in the ceremony, available in the original Portuguese version here:
“Mr. President of the Assembly of the Republic,
Mr. Prime Minister and other Members of the Government,
Madam and Sirs Presidents of the Higher Courts,
President António Ramalho Eanes,
President Aníbal Cavaco Silva,
Ambassadors,
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
Your Excellencies,
Fellow Portuguese Citizens,
Allow me, while expressing gratitude for the honorable invitation from the Assembly of the Republic to address this body, to share with you some reflections and attempt to provide answers influenced by the unforgettable experiences, including my role as a constituent, during the years 1974 to 1976.
Who paved the way for April 25, 1974?
It was the countless individuals who resisted the dictatorship since 1926, along with a regime incapable of understanding or anticipating the end of the empire and the dictatorship itself.
Who carried out April 25?
The “Captains of April,” united at the time on key objectives, relying internally and externally on the prestige of military leaders, notably future Presidents António de Spínola and Francisco da Costa Gomes.
Was April 25 a military movement or a revolution?
It began as a military movement but quickly turned into a revolution, driven by its own momentum, the support and mobilization of civil forces—both those previously banned and others newly emerging—and by popular adhesion. This was first glimpsed on April 25 itself, symbolically accelerated on May 1, and became overwhelmingly strong in the metropolitan areas of Lisbon and Porto, as well as in the south of the mainland, eventually spreading gradually throughout the country.
When did the first divisions arise within the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), the expression and later organizing structure that gave rise to the Captains' Movement?
During the summer of 1974, with the revival of a division between supporters of President António de Spínola—dating back to before the failed attempt of March 16th—and other sectors of the MFA.
Did this division have an equivalent in the civil sphere, particularly within the First Provisional Government?
Yes. Prime Minister Adelino da Palma Carlos and influential ministers, particularly from the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), led by Francisco Sá Carneiro, advocated for bringing forward the presidential election to a date before the Constituent Assembly, in order to strengthen the leadership role of the President and curb the budding revolutionary dynamics.
When was the open confrontation, foreshadowed in the summer of 1974, fully realized?
On September 28, 1974, in the streets, and on September 30, in Belém, with the resignation of President António de Spínola, citing the revolutionary radicalization he opposed.
Before this initial rupture, had President António de Spínola taken any definitive step that himself contributed to accelerating the revolutionary process?
Yes, on July 27, 1974, perhaps in an attempt to maintain an already unstable balance, he definitively recognized the full right to self-determination and independence of the overseas provinces or colonies, without the generalities and ambiguities present in the version of the MFA program read on the night of April 25.
With September 30, 1974, did António de Spínola's influence vanish from the military and civil spheres?
No. It continued in the military sphere through supporters, rivals, and elected representatives in various military councils, and in the civil sphere through connections with what would become the broad front led by Mário Soares throughout 1975, extending from his party to the right. This front gave its first signal, led by the Socialist Party (PS), with its departure from the Portuguese Democratic Movement (MDP) in protest against the latter's unitary role, still in 1974.
When did the confrontation occur that marked António de Spínola's definitive disappearance from the Portuguese revolutionary process?
On March 11, 1975, when his limited military maneuvers were detected and controlled in advance, culminating in his departure for exile. From abroad, he remained active, with supporters within Portuguese territory and in movements such as the MDLP (Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Portugal) and the ELP (Portuguese Liberation Army). However, he no longer had a physical presence in Portugal during the subsequent, more tumultuous phase of the revolution.
What was the consequence of March 11 for the MFA and, more broadly, the military sphere?
It paved the way, starting that very night and in the days that followed, for a much more intense revolutionary surge. This included the dissolution of the Junta of National Salvation and the Council of State, and the creation of the Council of the Revolution, which became the central body of national military and political power. It also led to the loss of influence of the Spínola-aligned military faction, which later became part of the broad front that, months later, would represent the most moderate of the three factions in the revolutionary process.
What was the effect on the civil sphere?
The events strengthened the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), the Portuguese Democratic Movement (MDP), and, more generally, the parties and movements to the left of the Socialist Party (PS), including social movements. These had already been bolstered by the approval of a law recognizing a single union confederation, which inherited the structure of the Intersindical, formed at the end of the dictatorship.
It weakened the other political parties, which came to view the election of the Constituent Assembly as the only way to curb the revolutionary momentum—in essence, to halt the Revolution.
How did the triumphant military faction decide to proceed with the election of the Constituent Assembly?
The election was already scheduled for March. However, during the night of March 11, its execution was upheld, but the date was postponed to April 25. This decision was significantly influenced by President Francisco da Costa Gomes, who had replaced António de Spínola at the end of 1974. Costa Gomes was particularly attentive to maintaining internal commitments and addressing the international climate.
As a condition for holding the elections, the parties were required to sign a Pact with the MFA. This pact established a governance system with strong military dominance, including:
A President of the Republic who would also preside over the Council of the Revolution.
A Council of the Revolution with exclusive powers over defense and the armed forces, as well as authority over constitutional oversight and an effective veto over the appointment of the Prime Minister and key ministers.
Not just one parliamentary chamber elected by the people, but two, including another assembly composed of military members with oversight powers over the first.
How did the parties, from the Portuguese Communist Party to the CDS (which later did not vote for the Constitution in its vastly different final version), respond to this Pact?
It is likely that some parties accepted it out of genuine alignment, while others saw it as a last resort to ensure elections could proceed, hoping to amend it once the revolutionary process slowed or reversed. This is my personal assumption, as I was, along with Emídio Guerreiro, one of only two district leaders in my party to vote internally against the Pact.
Once the Constituent Assembly was elected, did the Revolution continue its course, and until when, and with what effects inside and outside the Assembly?
It continued until the end of the summer of 1975. By September and October, it was already in a state of reflux but remained highly turbulent—perhaps precisely because of this—much like the backwash of the sea right after high tide.
Both militarily and civically, three increasingly distinct factions emerged:
Militarily, one led by Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho and supported by more radical left-wing parties and formations.
A second centered around the communist faction, symbolized by Vasco Gonçalves, particularly in his role as Prime Minister.
A third represented, on the military front, by the "Document of the Nine" and, on the civilian side, by the broad front led by Mário Soares and the Socialist Party, which included the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), the Democratic and Social Center (CDS), other right-wing forces, and Maoist allies.
In society, there were conflicts and outbreaks of political violence:
Headquarters of left-wing and right-wing parties were attacked alternately.
Physical violence occurred, including isolated deaths—on the left, attributed to clandestine right-wing movements, and on the right, to radical left-wing factions.
There was a constant state of protest, involving:
On one side, the decisive Fonte Luminosa demonstration, uniting the aforementioned broad front.
On the other side, the labor and political siege of the Constituent Assembly, where some sought to prolong the Revolution, accepting what was essentially a proto-Constitution, while others aimed to halt the Revolution by freezing that same proto-Constitution, hoping to reformulate it after the revolutionary reflux ended.
Many of the latter retreated to Porto to ensure, if necessary, the continuation of the Constituent Assembly until its conclusion.
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
Your Excellencies,
Forgive me for such a lengthy narrative, which I sought to make as objective as possible, knowing it is always subjective. However, millions of Portuguese citizens under the age of sixty have virtually no memory of the Revolution.
And, it is after all that I have just evoked that the events of November 25, 1975, take place.
In itself, a victory of the Group of Nine over the other two military factions, which had already distanced themselves from each other multiple times.
The events were overseen by President Francisco da Costa Gomes, who, influenced by the Group of Nine, replaced the military commands of Lisbon and Porto with Vasco Lourenço and Pires Veloso. On November 25, he summoned the COPCON Commander to Belém and held a decisive conversation with the Secretary-General of the Portuguese Communist Party.
The military victory resulted from several factors:
A coalition of various units, later decorated by President António Ramalho Eanes, notably the Commando Unit.
Key figures who composed and supported the Group of Nine, including:
Strategically: Ernesto Melo Antunes
Operationally: António Ramalho Eanes
Executing: Jaime Neves
All were later recognized by the democratic regime. Jaime Neves, in particular, was honored by President Mário Soares and the current President of the Republic. António Ramalho Eanes naturally assumed the position of Chief of the Army General Staff and became the elected presidential candidate in mid-1976.
On the civilian front, Mário Soares solidified his leadership of the broad coalition throughout 1975. This coalition included members from other political spheres, such as Francisco Sá Carneiro, who returned in late September after an illness. Diogo Freitas do Amaral and other moderate and radical right-wing figures also played a role, all of whom viewed the renegotiation of a new MFA-Parties Constitutional Agreement as a logical outcome of November 25.
This context gave rise to two historic speeches in the Constituent Assembly:
Mário Sottomayor Cardia's call for a constitutional revision.
Sophia de Mello Breyner's invocation of her moral authority on freedom and democracy in Portugal.
Not all members of this coalition sought the same outcome. Francisco Sá Carneiro reluctantly accepted in December to maintain the tripartite coalition at the Group of Nine's request, under the new MFA-Parties Pact. However, the more radical civilian and military right lost their push to outlaw the Portuguese Communist Party. This idea was firmly rejected by Ernesto Melo Antunes, who had criticized the Communist Party's radicalization just days before November 25.
Ernesto Melo Antunes has recently been acknowledged once again by President António Ramalho Eanes as the principal strategist of April 25 and a decisive figure on November 25.
Immediate Consequences of November 25, 1975
The conclusion of the revolutionary reflux that had begun at the end of the summer that year, effectively marking the end of the Revolution.
The acceleration of the Second MFA-Parties Pact, which:
Did not significantly alter the Economic and Social Constitution (which remained largely intact until the 1989 constitutional revision).
Moderated the Political Constitution, maintaining military oversight until 1982 but appreciably strengthening the electoral component of the government system, notably abolishing the Armed Forces Movement's parliamentary chamber.
Does this mean that full electoral political democracy was definitively established on November 25, 1975? No. This was only achieved seven years later with the first constitutional revision.
Does it, at least, signify important steps toward stemming the Revolution's momentum?
Undoubtedly.
Can it be said that freedom began on April 25, 1974, and democracy on November 25, 1975?
It is more precise to say that April 25, 1974, opened a complex and prolonged path—spanning the revolution and a seven-year constitutional transition—toward freedom and democracy. November 25, 1975, marked a crucial step along that path.
April 25, 1974 was not only the first but the most historically significant event:
It marked the end of Portugal’s five-century imperial cycle.
It ended half a century of dictatorship.
It laid the groundwork for the party system, electoral framework, and social partnerships.
Without it, the events of November 25, 1975, and what they symbolized, would not have occurred.
November 25, 1975, however, was critical in its own right. Without it, the revolutionary reflux would have been more prolonged, chaotic, and conflict-ridden. For some, it might have even led to civil war. Fortunately, this did not happen. No civil war ensued.
Ladies and Gentlemen Deputies,
Your Excellencies,
This is why there is no contradiction between April 25, 1974—as it has been commemorated for decades—as the greater milestone. It marked a profoundly transformative moment in history: the end of the Empire, the fall of the dictatorship, and the first step toward freedom and democracy. Likewise, the recognition of November 25, 1975—which, incidentally, the Armed Forces commemorated uninterruptedly until 1988 under Presidents António Ramalho Eanes and Mário Soares, and which successive Presidents of the Republic, including the current one, have also acknowledged on multiple occasions, now joined by this parliamentary recognition—is essential. Together, they underscore the contribution of November 25 to transitioning the Revolution, already in its reflux, toward the first provisional version of the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic.
History is built on these convergences.
Between the broader and more encompassing events and those that provide them with specific, albeit not definitive, expression—eighteen months later in this case.
Historical contexts constantly reinvent interpretations of these convergences.
We are all aware that there is no end to history. It is rewritten day by day, just as it is constructed day by day.
May this construction and its rewriting always reflect what was genuinely experienced and aim for more freedom, more democracy—political, economic, social, and cultural.
More Portuguese identity, rooted in its past but with a clear vision of the future.
That is why we are gathered here today.
Long live Freedom!
Long live Democracy!
Long live Portugal!”