PM's family business on casino group's payroll
PM Montenegro’s explanations at the failed motion of no confidence in Parliament last Friday were largely deemed insufficient by opposition parties.
PM Luís Montenegro is facing increased scrutiny over his family’s business dealings, particularly with Spinumviva, a consulting firm he co-founded in 2021.
The most recent development comes from Expresso's bombshell report today, which reveals that Solverde—a company managing casinos and hotels in Portugal—is a client of Montenegro’s family business.
Solverde, a Espinho-based group owned by Manuel and Rita Violas - one of the wealthiest families in Portugal - continues to pay a monthly fee of 4,500 euros for services related to personal data protection.
Although Montenegro had previously refused to disclose his clients during the motion of no confidence debate, Solverde confirmed its business relationship with Spinumviva.
Despite multiple attempts by Expresso to gather more information, Solverde declined to specify which professionals provide these services on behalf of Spinumviva, only stating that they are “qualified professionals” and that the fees are in line with market rates.
This is not the first instance of Montenegro’s relationship with Solverde. Between 2018 and 2022, the now Prime Minister represented the group in negotiations with the António Costa government, which extended the concession contract for the casinos in Espinho and the Algarve.
Since Solverde’s gambling concession ends in December this year, there will be new negotiations with the government to guarantee the operation of casinos afterwards.
This revelation only adds to the growing questions surrounding Montenegro’s business ties and whether they pose potential conflicts of interest.
This week, the far-right party Chega submitted 10 questions demanding further clarification about the company’s activities.
These inquiries come after a failed motion of no confidence in Parliament last Friday, where Montenegro’s explanations were deemed insufficient by opposition parties.
Debate last Friday
During the debate, PM Montenegro stated that he has always declared and paid everything he owed, announced that he would provide MPs with details of his household income over the past 15 years, and challenged others to be just as transparent as he is.
“This motion of no confidence is about the Prime Minister. It is about my professional and financial life. It is about my character and my honor. For many years, I have been the target of strange and violent attacks, and I have never understood whether they were driven by pure malice, envy, or fear of someone who presents himself as so free and independent,” he began.
He then provided explanations about the origins, purpose, and financials of Spinumviva before concluding his initial remarks with a general reassurance.
“Throughout my life, I have declared everything that needed to be declared. I have paid everything that needed to be paid. I have clarified everything that needed to be clarified,” he stated.
“You know my assets and their origins. You know my income. You know where I live. As of today, you even know my personal and family strategy. From now on, I will only answer to those who are as transparent as I am—those who are willing to do everything I have done,” he asserted, calling on MPs to respect his dignity and the mission entrusted to him as PM.
Socialists unsatisfied with the PM’s explanations
In the final stretch of the debate on the motion of no confidence in the government, Alexandra Leitão, the PS parliamentary leader and Socialist candidate to the Lisbon City Hall, said that the PM had choosen to share “irrelevant details" of his private life in an attempt at “apparent transparency.”
“Unfortunately, as we near the end of the debate, we are still waiting for those clarifications. (…) Transparency means stating what is relevant, not what is irrelevant,” she argued.
She then posed “three concrete, legally substantiated questions” on issues that she accused Prime Minister Luís Montenegro of failing to address throughout the afternoon.
Leitão asked Montenegro - who, despite having time, chose not to respond - whether the “declarative obligations” requiring the identification of public and private entities that received services had been fulfilled.
She also sought clarification on whether the prime minister could confirm compliance with tax obligations under the fiscal transparency regime for professional law firms, given that there were indications of legal consultancy work being conducted.
She further questioned: “Can the prime minister clarify the terms under which legal consultancy services were provided, considering that, under the law governing legal practice at the time, such services could only be offered by law firms?”
The President’s reaction
Meanwhile, President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa acknowledged that the failure of the no-confidence motion contributed to political stability, affirming that Montenegro had provided “the clarifications he deemed necessary” - which was a somewhat restrained support of the PM.
He also pointed out that other institutions, both inside and outside Parliament, have mechanisms to demand further investigation if political actors so decide.
“The PM gave the explanations he felt were appropriate. If some are not satisfied, there are tools available to seek additional clarifications,” the President stated, hinting at the possibility of deeper inquiries.
With upcoming municipal elections in September or October and Presidential elections in 2026, Montenegro’s handling of the Spinumviva controversy has much potential to grow.
Chega’s questions
In a formal request sent to the PM, Chega argued that Montenegro failed to provide “clear and complete answers” during the no-confidence debate.
While the party states it is not interested in his business activities before entering politics, it insists that, as a long-serving member of Parliament, he must be fully transparent about any potential governance and ethical concerns.
Among the key questions posed by Chega are:
Who are Spinumviva’s clients, and what share do they contribute to the company’s revenue?
Has the company ever conducted business with PSD-led municipalities or public entities such as the Banco de Fomento?
What type of consultancy services does Spinumviva provide, and how does it justify its unusually high profit margins?
How does a firm without a website attract clients, and was there any political influence in securing contracts?